Teocrito. Parte IV

Anonimo, Natura morta con cipolle

PER VISUALIZZARE IL GRECO CLICCA QUI E SCARICA IL FONT HELLENIKA

Cibi afrodisiaci

Nell'Ars amatoria Ovidio consiglia la cipolla e altri cibi afrodisiaci a chi non deve risparmiare i lombi: "bulbus et, ex horto quae venit herba salax/ovaque sumantur, sumantur Hymettia mella/quasque tulit folio pinus acuta nuces" ( II, 422-424), si prenda la cipolla, e la rucola eccitante che viene dall'orto, le uova e si prenda il miele dell'Imetto e i pinoli che produce il pino dalle foglie aghiformi.

Ma la ragazza pensava a un altro. Allora Eschine le dà un pugno in faccia e le grida: vattene subito, ejmo;n kakovn, ou[ toi ajrevskw;, non ti piaccio? Per un altro scorrono le tue lacrime grosse come mele. Lei scappò via più veloce della rondine dopo avere dato l’imbeccata ai piccoli. Ora è disponibile per quell’altro, Lupo: Luvko~ nu'n pavnta, ora Lupo è tutto. Sono come il topo finito nella pece mu'~ geuvmeqa pivssa~ (51), ho assaggiato la pece. I proverbi, come nei romanzi di Verga, sono un condensato di saggezza popolare.

Per salvarsi deve andare a fare il mercenario sotto Tolemeo Filadelfo (285-246) che è generoso, ejrwtikov~, incline all’amore, dolce, intelligente, non nega niente a chi chiede ma non bisogna chiedere sempre[1]. Dunque Eschine deve partire poiché noi dalle tempie cominciamo a invecchiare, poi il tempo ci imbianca il mento (leukaivnwn oJ crovno~). Dobbiamo agire finché il ginocchio è vigoroso.

Il tempo infatti è il cormorano che ci divora (Shakespeare, Love’s labour’s lost, I, 1).

Il XV è il mimo cittadino le Siracusane: Gorgò e Prassinoe in casa si scambiano futili lagnanze e si agghindano per andare a Palazzo, al rito in onore di Adone organizzato da Arsinoe. L'encomio viene fatto dalle due: c'è l'enfasi del provinciale esterrefatto dalla capitale grandiosa.

La città è affollata per la festa di Adone (il carme si chiama anche Adoniazuse). Prassinoe sta in periferia e va a trovare Gorgò che abita in centro. Quel matto del marito ha preso un buco non una casa ai confini del mondo (ejp j e[scata ga'~) perché le due amiche non possano incontrarsi. Gorgò la sgrida perché parla male del marito Dinone davanti al bambino. Poi gli fa: qavrsei Zwpurivwn, glukero;n tevko~: ouj levgei ajpfuvn, non parla del babbo. Quindi gli fa: kalo;~ ajpfuv~.

 Prassinoa però dice che Dinone è un bestione che non capisce. Anche Gorgò parla male del marito. Voglio andare al palazzo di Tolemeo Filadelfo: ejn ojlbivw/ o[lbia paventa, nella casa del ricco tutto è ricco.

 Prassinoa non vuole portare il bambino: mormwv daknei, i[ppo~, gli dice, la strega morde, c’è un cavallo.

Escono senza bambini C’è tanta gente muvrmake~ ajnavriqmoi kai; a[metroi, formiche senza numero e senza misura. Prassinoa nota che grazie al Filadelfo: sono finite le molestie: non ci sono furfanti che ti danneggiano rasentandoti mentre cammini.

Comunque c’è trambusto e confusione con i cavalli della parata.

Incontrano una vecchia che fa la spiritosa. Un uomo che fa una battuta (le donne sanno tutto). La folla è fastidiosa: si spingono come porci (wjqeu'nq j w{sper u{e~). Ma un uomo gentile le aiuta a entrare nel palazzo dove ammirano i drappi variopinti belli e fini. L’uomo è ingegnoso: sofovn ti crh'm j a[nqrwpo~.

Un altro uomo però le zittisce e ne biasima la pronunzia dorica, aperta, larga plateiavsdoisai (plateiavzw, v. 88). Ma Prassinoa dice che loro sono Siracusane, di origine corinzia, come Bellerofonte,e parlano la lingua del Peloponneso. Tuttora a Siracusa plateiavzousi.

Poi una cantante canta il lamento di Adone. E’ un diciottenne il cui bacio non punge (ouj kentei' to; fivlhm j ) sul labbro ha ancora la bionda peluria. E’ amato sulla terra e nell’Acheronte. Finito il canto, le due donne devono tornare perché Dioclide, il marito di Gorgò è o[xo~ a[pan, tutto aceto. Quando ha fame è inavvicinabile.

Ma è la poesia bucolica che ha procurato la fama a Teocrito.

Nel VII idillio Simichida e Licida il capraio vanno insieme alla festa rurale delle Talisie e si propongono di cantare insieme i canti dei pastori:"boukoliasdwvmesqa"(35-36).

Licida propone una canzoncina (meluvdrion, 50) che rivela l'aspirazione a un carme di dimensioni modeste e un'affinità con la poetica callimachea. Il canto di Licida comincia con un protreptikovn per l'amato (canto esortativo) e continua con una serenata d'amore omosessuale.

Le Talisie sono la festa della mietitura.

L’io narrante è Simichida, alter ego di Teocrito. Incontra il capraio Licìda che aveva un gevlw~ un sorriso sulle labbra. Gli chiede dove vada in quell’ora meridiana aJnika dh; kai; sau'ro~ ejn aiJmasiai`si kaqeuvdei , la lucertola dorme nei muriccioli di pietra.

Virgilio riprende il motivo nella Bucolica II dove il pastore Coridone ama il bell'Alessi. Formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin , 1.

 Nunc viridīs etiam occultant spineta lacertos (9) ora i rovi spinosi nascondono anche i verdi ramarri. Mori me denique coges (7).

Simichida-Teocrito dice che può reggere il confronto con Licìda che pure è il miglior suonatore di zampogna tra pastori e mietitori.

Anche io sono una sonora bocca delle Muse (kai; ga;r ejgw; Moi'san kapuro;n stovma, v. 37).

Mi considerano ottimo cantore, ma se contendo con i poeti Asclepiade e Filita, sono come la rana con i grilli. Ma mentre Simichida diceva così, rideva.

Allora Licida disse: ti do il mio bastone poiché sei un virgulto di Zeus tutto forgiato sulla verità. Io odio l’architetto che vuole costruire una casa alta come l’Oromedonte e i cucùli delle Muse che fanno cucù (kokkuvzonte~, 48) affannandosi invano.

Licida ha composto meluvdrion, una canzoncina, ejn o[rei, sul monte. E canta.

Licida è cotto ojpteuvmenon dal fuoco di Afrodite e brucia di amore per Ageanatte

Poi canta Simichida

Ha fatto starnutire gli Amori. Arato arde fin nelle ossa per amore di un ragazzo. Il poeta chiede a Pan di compiacere Arato. Se Pan non lo farà, sia maledetto.

Dunque gli Amori simili a pomi rosseggianti devono colpire con le frecce l’amabile Filino che non ha pietà di Arato. Filino è bello ma è già più maturo di un pomo e le donne dicono: ahimé, Filino, il tuo bel fiore cade (to; toi kalo;n a[nqo~ ajporrei'). Smettiamo di stare davanti alla porta chiusa di Filino. A noi stia a cuore la tranquillità (ajsuciva). E’ l’ideale del saggio teorizzato dai filosofi ellenistici portato nel campo dell’amore. Finito il canto, Simichida-Teocrito riceve l’investitura: Licida gli diede lagwbovlon il bastone per colpire le lepri, come dono ospitale da parte delle Muse. Poi Simichida va alla fattoria di Frasidamo dove si sdraia con altri.

Sul capo stormivano ai[geiroi pioppi neri e ptelevai, olmi. Sui rami ombrosi le cicale bruciate dal sole frinivano e la rana gracidava da lontano (thlovqen) nelle fitte spine dei rovi ( 139-140)

Cfr. Leopardi: “allora-che, tacito, seduto in verde zolla,-delle sere io solea passar gran parte-mirando il cielo, ed ascoltando il canto-della rana rimota alla campagna!”[2].

Cfr. anche D’Annunzio: “La figlia dell’aria[3] - è muta; ma la figlia - del limo lontana, - la rana - canta nell’ombra più fonda - chi sa dove, chi sa dove!”[4].

Cantavano allodole e cardellini e[stene trugwvn, gemeva la tortora, volteggiavano intorno alle fonti le bionde api.

Dappertutto un profumo di pingue raccolto.

o[cnai, pere, ai nostri piedi, ai nostri fianchi ma'la, le mele rotolavano in gran quantità e rami carichi di susine si piegavano fino a terra.

Cfr. Odissea VII, 120-121: o[gcnh ejp j o[gcnh/ ghravskei, mh'lon d j ejpi; mhvlw/- aujta;r ejpi; stafulh'/ stafulhv, su'kon d j ejpi; suvkw/”. Grappoli su grappoli

Cfr. Tasso, Gerusalemme liberata, XVI, 11: “Nel tronco istesso e tra l’istessa foglia-sovra il nascente fico invecchia il fico”. E’ il giardino di Armida.

Poi bevvero il vino. Simichida chiede alle ninfe Castalidi (della Castalia di Delfi) che abitano i gioghi del Parnaso se quel vino è lo stesso che Eracle offrì a Chirone nell’antro roccioso di Folo. Oppure quello che fece danzare Polifemo, il pastore dell’Anàpo, un fiume della Sicilia, presso Siracusa cfr. Tucidide VI, 96, 3.

E’ il vino ismarico, ricordato da Archiloco, quelli che Màrone di Ismaro, sacerdote di Apollo, donò a Odisseo (Odissea, IX, 40)

CONTINUA

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[1] E’ un modus in rebus.

[2] Le ricordanze 9-13.

[3] La cicala

[4] La pioggia nel pineto, 89-95.

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Sugli imbonitori televisivi strapagati

I peggiori miasmi di una società malata costituiscono l'aureola di ambigui imbonitori prosseneti che guadagnano 200 volte più di un operaio.

Tali mezzani definiscono sacrosanti i loro profitti spropositati e offensivi in quanto loro sono bravissimi nel convogliare la pubblicità. Questa è  la menzogna sistematica e istituzionalizzata. Una raffica frequentissima di bugie che rende stupida e frustrata la gente. Ma ciò serve al PIL, al sistena, al potere.

Che un lavoratore onesto e capace guadagni centinaia di volte meno di certi ruffiani che approvano tutto ripetendo per anni battute servili, smorfie insulse, luoghi comuni nauseanti,  è una vergogna, è una macchia sull'onore della nazione. La sinistra deve cancellarla, se vuole il mio voto e quello delle persone oneste.

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Latin culture class, seventh lesson. Settima lezione di cultura latina

Thomas Stearns Eliot

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VII lezione pp. 29-41

Methodology

Now we say some words with regard to the method.

 You know, to proceed with method means, etymologicly, proceed in a street (oJdov" - ou', hJ) . My method is comparative or mithical, as called it T. S. Eliot (1888-1965). It consists in finding connection between books, authors, literatures, topics. Greek and Latin are the running blood, sanguineous running of european literature (T. S. Eliot).

You must read and write "with a feeling that the whole of the literature of Europe from Homer and, within it, the whole of the literature of his own country has a simultaneous existence and composes a simultaneous order"[1].

In the fifth century Eschilo[2] said that his tragedies were just slices of the great homeric banquet[3], and Callimaco[4] declares: all that I sing is already testified. ("ajmavrturon oujde;n ajeivdw"[5])

This confession of depedence on models, mostly greek, goes on in latin literature and further: the comedy writer Terenzio (190-159) in the prologue of Eunuchus [6] declares: "Denique/nullum est iam dictum quod non dictum sit prius" (vv. 40-41), after all, nothing by this time is said that is not said before. Orazio in his Ars poetica (13 b. C.) prescribes: “vos exemplaria Graeca/nocturna versate manu, versate diurna” (vv. 268-269), you must read and read the greek models, turning the pages, the roll, with nocturnal and diurnal hand.

Quintiliano (35-95) supports that orator Demostene is “longe perfectissimus Graecorum”, by far the most perfect among greeks, sed non qui maxime imitandus, et solus imitandus est” (Institutio oratoria, X, 2, 24), but the orator who must be imitated more than others, must not be exclusive, must not exclude other models.

 So, among latins, is not enough Cicero as model: “Plurium bona ponamus ante oculos, ut aliud ex alio haereat, et quod cuique loco conveniat aptemus”[7], let us put before eyes the good works of many models, so that remain something from one and another, and we can apply and adapt what is fitting, what fits our works.

In short, Leopardi (1798-1837) writes: “Tutto si è perfezionato da Omero in poi, ma non la poesia"[8], all improved itself after Omero, but not poetry. To choose some models, better many models, is non a plagiarism: Leopardi declares that he is arrived at originality “a forza di moltiplicare i modelli” [9] by persisting in multiplying models.

You can think to jOdusseuv"-Ulixes who is the protagonist or anyway a very important character of several epic poems (by Homer, Vergil, Dante), tragedies (f. e. Aiace, Filottete by Sofocle; Ecuba by Euripide), elegies (Heroides1 and Metamorfosi XIII by Ovidio), novels (Joyce, Ulixes). All the european literature has a simultaneous existence. In this great organic body there are many tovpoi, loci comunes, common places“argumenta quae transferri in multas causas possunt” (Cicerone, De inventione [10],2, 48), topics, subjects that you can transfer, use, in many causes, situations. They are means, instruments of writing, speaking, persuading. Argumentum implies also explanation and revelation (cfr. ajrgov" , shining); arguo, I reveal, disclose, denounce; argutus, significant, expressive, and english “to argue”, discutere, provare). So this tovpoi, loci are sedes argumentorum

Precisely Quintiliano (35-95) defines loci with this words "locos appello argumentorum sedes, in quibus latent, ex quibus sunt petenda " (Institutio oratoria, V, 10, 20), I call the loci seats of topics, seats where they are placed, sometimes hidden, and whence one must deduce, extract

So the study of classic books, ancient and modern, gives topics for speaking, writing, working. It develops the talents: aesthetic and also moral, ethical sense, critical (cf.- compare- krivnw, I judge[11]) ability. Communes loci of literatur and philosophy constitute an antidote against the poison of common places of publicity and every vulgarity and cunning, astute propaganda that wants to force people to think in conformity with the “orthodoxy” of advertising agents, propagandists. See the ethymology of orthodoxy that is composed of ojrqov"-(hv), right and dovxa, opinion, i. e, the opinion of salesmen.

In several authors one can find dissoi; lovgoi, contrasting speeches, and these writers, non dogmatic, drive the reader to think, and even if they are inclined to believe that one horn of a dilemma is better, they leave their readers free to choose. What every propaganda and publicity tries to prevent.

The high literature was born from deep feelings, high thinkings, hard brainwork.

The philosophy was born from wonder.

In the dialogue Teeteto by Platone (428-347), the character of Socrate argues, deduces, the tendency, the bent of Teeteto for philosophy from the fact that this man is disposed to wonder and to be amazed (155d).

Aristotele (384-322) asserts that man have began to make philosophy in origin and now because of wonder : "dia; ga;r to; qaumavzein oiJ a[nqrwpoi kai; nu'n kai; to; prw'ton h[rxanto filosofei'n"[12].

The study of classic author, if is put in touch with the life, can develop the same life. Culture strenghten the nature. The studious, the teacher must be an educator able to excite moral and aesthetic energies.

Petronio elegantiae arbiter[13], teacher of elegance, of emperor Nerone, introduces the protagonist of the novel Satyricon, Encolpio who says: “nondum umbraticus doctor ingenia deleverat, (2, 3-5), not yet an erudite grown up in the shadow had destroyed the talents, when the great poetry was connected with life.

Sapientia (sofiva, wisdom) asserts Seneca "res tradit, non verba"[14], teaches to act, non only to speak. And in another Letter: "Sic ista ediscamus ut quae fuerint verba sint opera" (Epistula, 108, 35), let us try to learn philosophy so that the words may become actions.

The persons can feel their energies, intellectual, moral and even physical increased by learning and wisdom

In Ep. 37 Seneca writes: “sapientia quae sola libertas est”, the wisdom is the only freedom. And: "unum studium vere liberale est quod liberum facit, hoc est sapientiae, sublime, forte, magnanimum: cetera pusilla et puerilia sunt " (Ep. 88), the only study really liberating, freeing, is that who makes free, i.e. the study of wisdom, sublime, strong, magnanimous, the rest is small and childish stuff.

“Sapientia est mens perfecta (…) ars enim vitae est (117) the wisdom is the pefect mind (…) in fact is the art of the life.

“Sapere sapientiae usus est” (Ep. 117, 17) to be wise is the use of wisdom. Wisdom investigates what is the good. “Quod bonum est utĭque prodest (…) Si non prodest, bonum non est; si prodest iam est” (117, 27), what is good however does good, is beneficial (…) if it is not beneficial it is not good; if it is beneficial it is already, it is at once.

“Unde adcognoscitur bonum? Si perfecte secundum naturam est” (Ep. 118), where the good is recognized from? If it is completely in accordance with nature.

In fact the nature is good since is the creation of a good God: “quaeris quod sit propositum deo? Bonitas. Ita certe Plato ait: “quae deo faciendi mundum fuit causa? Bonus est: bono nulla cuiusquam boni invidia est; fecit itaque quam optimum potuit” (Ep. 65, 10), you ask which is the purpose of God? The goodness. At least Plato says: which reason had God to make the world? He is good; who is good has no refusal of making any good. And so he made the best possible world. Plato in Timeo writes: if this universe is beautiful, (eij me;n dh; kalovς ejstin o{de oJ kovsmoς) the creator is good (o Jdhmiourgo;ς ajgaqovς).

He is the best of authors (a[ristoς tw'n aijtivwn), and he has looked at the eternal model (pro;ς to; ajivdion e[blepen). So the cosmos is the most beautiful between the things born (kavllistoς tw'n gegonovtwn 29a).

The author is good and turned the disorder into order (29d).

We can see through this words an example of the dramatic style of philosopher Seneca: he often writes sentences, that are the stylistic cells of his writing. Often his sententiae “adfectus ipsos tangunt” (Ep. 94, 28), they touch the emotional part of our mind, not only the rational, and have a moral effect: “erigitur virtus cum tacta est et impulsa” (94, 29), the virtue rises when is touched and stimulated

Euripide in his last tragedy (Baccanti, 405 b. C.) writes: “to sofo;n d j ouj sofiva” , the knowledge, erudition, is not wisdom. To; sofo;n is neuter, hJ sofiva is female and creates life.

‘cleverness is not wisdom’, ‘the world’s Wise are not wise’ (Murray). Here again the Chorus take up a thought expressed in the preceding scene: to; sofovn has the same implication as in 203 [15]; it is the false wisdom of men like Pentheus, who fronw'n oujde;n fronei' (332, cf. 266 ff., 311 ff.), in contrast with the true wisdom of devout acceptance (179, 186)…”[16],

Marziale (40-104), author of epigrams writes: "Non hic Centauros, non Gorgonas Harpyasque/invenies: hominem pagina nostra sapit "(X, 4, 9-10), here you will not find mythological, hybrid, imaginary creatures: our page tastes of man.

CONTINUA

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[1] T. S. Eliot Tradition and the Individual Talent, 1919.

[2] 525-455 a. C.

[3] Ateneo (II-III sec. d. C.) I Deipnosofisti, VIII, 39. Aijscuvlo" … o}" ta;" auJtou' tragw/diva" temavch ei\nai e[legen tw'n   JOmhvrou megavlwn deivpnwn

[4]305 ca-240ca a. C.

[5] Fr. 612 Pfeiffer.  

[6] 161 a. C.

[7] Institutio oratoria, X, 2, 26.

[8]Zibaldone ,  58.

[9]Zibaldone , 2185-2186.

[10]The young orator (106-43) composed this treatise in two books in '84

b. C.

[11] In the film Seize the day, the teacher says: education is to learn to think for yourself.

[12] Metafisica , 982b.

[13] Tacito, Annales, XVI, 18.

[14]Seneca, Epist. ad Luc. , 88, 32.

[15] The traditions received by fathers, our traditions

Coeval with the time, no reasoning will otherthrow

Nor if the knowledge is found by pointed minds

(oujd j eij di j a[krwn to; sofo;n hu{rhtai frenw'n) (Baccanti, vv. 201-203), is speaking Tiresia.

Latin culture class, sixth lesson. Sesta lezione di cultura latina

Thomas Cole, The Course of Empire: Destruction

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15-28

The danger from northern barbarians

The Cimbri already in 113 and 105 had defeated Romans. Nevertheless Romans have boasted several victories against them: “tam diu Germania vincitur” (Germania, 37), its is from long time that Germania is won, writes with irony Tacito in 98 a. C.. No people has been so hard and dangerous for us, he continues :"quippe regno Arsacis acrior est Germanorum libertas , in fact the freedom of Germans is more strong than the kingdom, of Arsace (who founded the eastern reign of Parti in 256 b. C.)

Tacito remembers that the danger of Germani impends over Italy since more than 200 years: in 113 b. C. Cimbri defeated Romans and their consul Papirio Carbone at Norēia (in Carinzia); after, Arminio leader of Cherusci, defeated Varo in 9 d. C. in the forest of Teutoburgo; and when Romans won Germans with Marius against Cimbri in Italia (101), Caesar against Ariovisto in Gallia (58 b. C.), and Germanico, who defeated Arminio in Weser in 16 a. C, these were not easy nor overwhelming victories and there was loss of roman blood (nec impune).

 Tacito makes sarcastic remarks about the pompous triumphes celebrated by Domiziano:" Nam proximis temporibus triumphati magis quam victi sunt " (Germania, 37), in fact in these recent years we celebrated triumphes more than gain victories over this enemy.

In the years 83-85 Domiziano led campaigns agains Chatti, on the right bank of river Rhine. This campagnais had strengthened the border of Rhine with agri decumates subjected to tenth tax. The triumph celebrated in 83 a. C. is mentioned also by Svetonio ( Vita di Domiziano, 6).

The danger of northern people is already pointed out, indicated, by Sallustio who, however, mistake Celti for Germani, may be with the intention to enlarge the meaning of the victories of Caesar in Gallia that was conquered in the years 58-50.

 In the last chapter (114) of Bellum Iugurthinum (composed about 40 b. C.) he writes:"per idem tempus[1] advorsum Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio male pugnatum: quo metu Italia omnis contremuit. Illimque usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere: alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse; cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certari ", in the same time our consuls Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio fought badly against Gallics: because of this defeat all Italy trembled with fear. From that time till now the Romans thought that other people were prone to their value: with Gallics they had to fight for salvation, not for glory.

Germania by Tacito in chapter 37 makes topical, brings up to date this last chapter (114) of Bellum Iugurthinum

This is the phase of “remissive, renunciatory imperialism”

 Germania is a book of 98 a. C.

 In Annales, the last work of Tacito written when Traiano had conquered Dacia (after 107) , we find the unrealistic, fanciful imperialism. When emperor Traiano won the wars against Decebalo and the Dacians (101-102 and 105-107) Tacito claims the full conquest of Germania and reproaches to Tiberio with the recall of Germanico.

 He could to subdue Germans," sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat rediret ad decretum triumphum: satis iam eventuum, satis casuum, but Tiberio with frequent letters urged the nephew to come back to receive the decreed triumph: there had been successes and falls enough

 Therefore: Posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentis, quoniam Romanae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui " (Annales , II, 26), Cherusci and other rebels could be left to their inner conflicts, since the defeat of Varo had been avenged.

We find a rational theory of imperialism in some words of consul Petilio Ceriale who speaks in 70 a. C. to the Trevĭri and Lingŏni people gallic and germanic in revolt. In his speech we find the reasons and justifications of roman imperialism. The empire wants to stop the advance of new Ariovisto or a second Arminio. The Romans have imposed iure victoriae, with the right of victory, only what is necessary to keep the peace. The victory and the peace demand some conditions:

 “Nam neque quies gentium sine armis, neque arma sine stipendiis, neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt”(Hist. IV, 74), in fact is impossible to have peace without arms, neither armament without pays, salaries, neither salaries without taxes.

 If Romans will be expelled, there will be a global war and chaos, quod di prohibeant, God forbid! If we want to repel Germani or Britanni we cannot lighten taxes

“Octingentorum annorum fortunā disciplināque compages haec coaluit: quae convelli sine exitio convellentium non potest”, with the Fortune and the discipline during eight hundred years became consolidated, strengthened, this structure that now cannot be destroyed without the collapse of the destroyers themselves.

These are the words of every imperialism.

One can add to the means and the reasons of the success of Romans, what said Muzio Scevola to the Etrurian king Porsenna who whanted to restore the king Tarquinio banished from Roma in 509 b. C.: “et facere et pati fortia romanum est” (Tito Livio, Ab urbe condita, II, 9), to do and to suffer strong deeds is roman thing. He had burnt his hand because had failed in his object of killing of the king.

Tacito undertands that the german people more young and less corrupt than roman is a danger for the empire and feels that the fates are pressing :"maneat, quaeso, duretque gentibus, si non amor nostri, at certe odium sui, quando , urgentibus imperii fatis , nihil iam praestare fortuna maior potest quam hostium discordiam" (Germania, 33), I hope that remains ad continues a long time in these people, if not love of us, at least the hate among them, since, while the fates of empire are pressing, the fortune nothing more can give us than conflicts among themselves.

And in Agricola, about Celts, Tacito writes “nec aliud adversus validissimas gentes pro nobis utilius, quam quod in comune non consulunt” (12) nothing against very strong people is more useful for us than that they do not decide together. It means: divide et impera, divide and command, the motto of every imperialism

Another hope comes to Romans from weakening of barbarians when these rude men come in contact with roman civilisation: the Britanni fell into the blandishments proposed by Romans: frequens toga to wear often the toga , uniform of roman citizenship, porticus, porches, balinea, baths, conviviorum elegantia, smartness of banquets, were delenimenta vitiorum, attraction to vices: “ idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset (Agr. XXI), all that was called civilisation by those inexpert, while was part of their slavery.

Il destino. The Fate

In Historiae (II, 82) Tacito writes: nihil arduum fatis, nothing is difficult for the fates. Gli occulta fati (II, 10) the hidden fate sometime looks but quae fato manent quamvis significata non vitantur (Hist. I, 18), what is due to fate even if it is shown, is not possible to avoid. The death of emperor Galba was in some way announcede by tonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae, thunders and lightning and other threats from the sky, all phenomena because of once upon a time the electoral meetings were suspended. But it did not frighten Galba who went, in a hurry, hastily, in castra to the barracks were was killed. Or because he felt contempt for such phenomena as casual (non terruit Galbam quo minus in castra pergeret, contemptorem talium ut fortuitorum), or since is not possible avoid the fate even if it looks

Epicurean philosophy believe in chance, Stoic philosophy in destiny and necessity. According to Epicuro and Lucrezio the atoms constitute life and death and they go at random. All the events proceed at random

Seneca in De beneficiis writes Juppiter may be called also fatum "cum fatum nihil aliud sit quam series implexa causarum" (IV, 7), because fatum, fate, destiny, is nothing else but sequence linked, tied, of causes.

Tacito waves between these positions. In Annales III, 18, with regard to Claudio mocked and nevertheless become emperor (41 a. C.), the historiographer writes that the more he remembers the ancient and new facts, deeds, the more he sees the mockery in all mortal matters “mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo, tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium in cunctis negotiis observantur ”

Is the trick that rules the life. The man regally ridiculous became the emperor of the world.

Vespasiano is seen as the man supported by the gods. Alexandriae (69 a. C.) multa miracula evenere, quis caelestis favor et quaedam in Vespasianum inclinatio numinum ostenderetur (Hist, IV, 81), in Alexandria happened many miracles trhrough which appeared, that showed the favour of the sky and a certain predilection, fondness of gods for Vespasiano. He went as far as to health a blind. Under Claudio (in 43 a. C.) Vespasiano had served in army in Britannia where domitae gentes, capti reges et monstratus fatis (Agricola, XIII), people were tamed, kings taken prisoners and (Vespasiano) was revealed by fates.

Under Nero he fell asleep while the emperor was performing and Vespasiano was hardly saved maiore fato (Ann. XVI, 5) by a higher fate. Tacito does not give a sure reply if prevails the Necessity (anavgkh) or the free will.

The fashions.

The historiographer points out that luxus mensae" (Annales , III, 55), the pomp, magnificence, of banquets began after the battle of Azio (31 b. C.) and finished with Nerone (68 a. C.). Vespasiano was one of homines novi, self made men: he came from Sabina and brought to Rome the frugality of that land. So the fashion of luxury and waste ended. But, may be, there is a cycle in all things:"Nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur, unless in all things it is a kind of cycle, so that as the seasons, in the same way turn the altern events, vicissitude of customs, uses.

Il latifondo The problem of latifundium

Tacito is worried about the problem of latifundium (large estate)

In a famous passage of Annales (XII, 43), he writes "at hercule olim Italia legionibus longiquas in provincias commeatus portabat, nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Aegyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani permissa est ", and yet for Hercules, once upon a time, Italy sent provisions to the legions in far provĭnces, neither today the earth suffers from infertility, but we prefer to overwork Africa and Egypt and now the life of Roman people is committed to the ships an the risks of the sea. Tacito applies these words to the last part of empire of Claudio (41-54) but already Augusto feared that italian country could remain uncultivated owing to the idleness of plebs and so the emperor decided to suppress the distributions of corn: "quod earum fiduciā cultură agrorum cessaret " [2], because trusting in those was ending the cultivation of fields.

Plinio the Old (23-79 a. C.) in his monumental, encyclpopedical work of 37 books, Naturalis Historia, writes: latifundia perdidere Italiam, large handed estate have ruined, spoilt Italy.

CONTINUA

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[1] October 105 a. C.

[2] Svetonio, Vita di Augusto, 42.

Latin culture class, fifth lesson. Quinta lezione di cultura latina

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Historiographers martyrs

Began Augusto with Titus Labienus nicknamed, called, Rabienus (full of rabies, angry against the regime). This author of Historiae killed himself because he did not want to survive his work (burnt in 12 a. C.) in which he had praised freedom.

The second historiographer martyr was Cremuzio Cordo.

Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset", Tacito, Annales, IV, 34,

under the consuls Cornelio Cosso and Asinio Agrippa (25 a. C.) is called, convened before a court, Cremuzio Cordo for a new and never before heard crime: he had published Annales where he had praised M. Bruto and he had called C. Cassio the last of Romans. The order came by Seiano the notorious, ill famed, prefect of praetorian guard of Tiberio, and Cremuzio defended his work exalting freedom. Then he left himself to die for hunger.

Cremuzio defended himself saying that Tito Livio had celebrated Pompeo, Catullo had shamed Caesar, Asinio Pollione praised Bruto, while Greeks leave unpunished not only freedom but also liberty, licence. For example see the first comedies by Aristophanes (Acarnesi, Cavaleri-Riders, 424-425).

In Giulio Cesare by Shakespeare Bruto says to Cassius dead suicide: “The last of all the Romans, fare the well! (V, 3, 99).

The History as palimpsest

But the history is a palimpsest (a codex where you can write a second time after a scraping of preceding, prior writing) as notices G. Orwell in 1984:

"All history was a palimpsest, scraped clean and re-inscribed exactly as often as was necessary”[1].

In fact Caligola (37-41) rehabilitated Cremuzio Cordo and placed in favourable light his Annales.

Seneca (4 b. C.-65 a. C.) testifies it in Consolatio ad Marciam, a daughter of Cremuzio Cordo: magna illorum pars arserat (I, 3) a great part of those books had been burnt. But now (37 a. C.) legitur, floret; in manus hominum, in pectora receptus, vetustatem nullam timet” (I, 4), he, Cremutius, is read and blooms, the book is in the hands of men, is received in the breasts, does not fear any ageing.

Caligola (37-41) said: is in my interest ut facta quaeque posteris tradantur : Svetonio-70-140 a. C.- Life of Caligola 16, 1) that all the deeds are hand down to the posterity. In his first time as emperor he was looking for popularity inside a trend anti Tiberian.

 But later, under Nerone (54-68) Trasea Peto accused of lese majesty killed himself. He had written a monography about Cato Uticense. Tacito santifies him writing: “Nero virtutem ipsam excindere concupivit interfecto Thrasea Paeto" (Annales, XVI, 21) Nero wanted to kill the personification of virtue killing Trasea Peto,

 His work debated, questioned, the autocratical government.

Let us read the comment of Tacito: “Scilicet illo igne vocem populi Romani et libertatem senatus et conscientiam generis humani aboleri arbitrabatur, expulsis insuper sapientiae professoribus atque omni bona arte in exilium acta, ne quid usquam honestum occurreret” (Agricola, 2), evidently with that fire they think to cancel, suppress, the freedom of senate and the conscience of human kind, expelled what’s more the teachers of philosophy and exiled every good culture, in order that nothing of beautiful or moral could be met in any place. The extreme of slavery is when become impossible to speak and to listen: “adempto per inquisitiones etiam loquendi audiendique commercio" (Agricola, 2), through spies was taken off the right to listen and to speak.

Euripide in the tragedy Ione[2] writes that without parrhsiva , freedom in speaking, the man has the mouth slave (tov ge stovma-dou'lon vv. 674-675).

In another tragedy, Fenicie[3], Polinice speaks with his mother Giocasta about the most hateful condition for the men in exile:" e{n me;n mevgiston, oujk e[cei parrhsivan" (v. 391), one, over all, he has not freedom of speech.

But the tyrant is not able to abolish, cut out, also the memory: “Memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus, si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quam tacere” (Agricola, 2), we could have lost also the memory with the voice, if we might as forget as to be silent.

P. P. Pasolini in his Scritti corsari (Pirate writings, 1975) wrote that the power has excluded the free intellectuals (p. 113)

Bad and good emperors

Tacito in the third chapter of Agricola (98 a. C) writes “nunc demum redit animus”, now at last comes back the heart, the soul. He says that the emperor Nerva began (96-98) and Traiano continues (98-117) res olim dissociabilis miscere: principatum ac libertatem, to link things one time dissociated, empire and freedom. Traiano auget cotidie felicitatem temporum (Agricola, 3) increase every day the happiness of this new time.

 But the Historiae that narrate past time (years 69-96) is presented as “opus opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevom, quattuor principes ferro interempi, trina bella civilia” (Historiae I, 2) a work rich of collapses, misfortunes, terrible for battles, torn by seditions, even in peace cruel, four emperors killed with iron (Galba, Otone, Vitellio 69, Domiziano 96) trhee civil wars (Galba-Otone; Otone-Vitellio; Vitellio-Vespasiano)

On the whole: “Pollutae caerimoniae, magna adulteria, plenum exiliis mare, infecti caedibus scopuli(…)nobilitas pro crimine(…) et ob virtutes certissimum exitium" (Historiae, 2), ceremonies polluted, profaned, great adulteries, the sea full of exiles, the rocks spotted, stained, with măssăcres, nobility taken for crime, and for virtues absolutely sure the death

What must do a free man under the tyrant?

Tacito disapproves the suicide and the sterīle opposition. He finds noble the attitude of his father in law, Agricola who: "non contumacia neque inani iactatione libertatis, famam fatumque provocabat"(Agricola, 42) did not provoke repute and fate with obstinacy in opposition, nor with empty, vain ostentation of freedom.

Therefore the man must know: posse etiam sub malis principibus magnos viros esse, that also under bad emperors can be, can live, great man and that obedience and moderation (obsequium ac modestiam) if there are also industry and energy (si industria ac vigor adsint) can surpass in the glory the men who inclaruerunt ambitiosa morte became famous with a spectacular death, got trhough ruins and precĭpĭces, per abrupta, sed in nullum rei publica usum, without any profit, advantage for the State (Agricola, 42).

The honest and clever man must follow a middle way between ruinous opposition and degrading servility, a way lacking in flattery and risks, inter abruptam contumaciam et deforme obsequium pergere iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum (Annales, IV, 20).

Seneca supported a kind of diarchy of emperor and Senate: Nero wen became emperor in 54 a. C was 16 years and ten months old and had Seneca as teacher in whom this teen ager believed, and in his first speech from the throne, said: teneret antiqua munia senatus (Tacito, Annales, XIII, 4), the senate must keep his ancient, traditional prerogatives.

Seneca did not made abruptam contumaciam, ruinous opposition to the emperor his pupil. Only at the point of death (65), taking leave of his friends, urged them non to cry and not to be amazed by the cruelty of Nero: “neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret” (Annales XV, 62), nothing was missing after the murders of mother (59) and brother (55) but to add the murder of his educator and teacher.

The teacher educator tried to teach the imperial pupil the mercy (see De Clementia, 55) and urged him to manage the power in favour of subjects because to reign is an honourable service, e[ndoxo" douleiva, as said Antigono Gonata king of Macedonia (276-239) educated by stoic teachers.

Seneca, after repudation by Nerone (in 62) remebers that along the Golden age: “officium erat imperare, non regnum” (Ep. 90, 5), to command was a duty, not a kingdom.

On the other hand, neither saint Paul proclaimed the revolt against the emperor: in 57 or 58 ( therefore under Nero) in Epistula ad Romanos, Epistle To Romans, the Apostle writes : “οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐξουσία εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ Θεοῦ” (non est enim potestas nisi a deo, 13, 1), every power comes from God, is no power but of God.

 So: “quae autem sunt, a Deo ordinatae sunt (13, 1). Itaque, qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit; qui autem resistunt ipsi, sibi damnationem acquirent” (!3, 2), the powers currents are ordained by God. Whoever therefore sets himself against the power, sets himself against ordinance of God ; and they who set themselves against, shall receive damnation.

The Apostle, in the same Epistula ad Romanos, prescribes also to pay taxes: “reddite omnibus debita: cui tributum tributum, cui vectigal vectigal, cui timorem timorem, cui honorem honorem” (13, 7) give back to everybody what you must: to whom tributum tributum ( tributum is the direct tax , in greek fovro"-ou, oJ); to whom vectigal vectigal ( vectīgal is the indirect tax, in greek tevlo"- ou". tov);;; to whom the fear, the fear; to whom the honour, the honour. Saint Paul wanted to avoid that the christian preaching might give push to those uproars that led the emperor Claudio to expel from Rome the rising jewish-christian community: Roma expulit Iudaeos impulsore Chresto tumultuantes (Svetonio, Claudii Vita, 25, 4), expelled from Rome the Jewishes who were riotting in the spur of “Chresto”. There is confusion between Jewishes and Christians, that Romans mixed up.

Also Tacito after all approves the imperial government if the emperor is not an extremist, or mad, or criminal as Caligola (37-41), Nerone (54-68), Domiziano (81-96), nor false as Tiberio (14-37), nor weak and stupid as Claudio (41-54).

Claudio dead was ridiculed by Seneca in Apocolokyntōsis (54 a. C.) an apotheosis upset: instead of transformatin in God, as for other imperators, trasformation in pumpkin (kolovkunqa).

Anyway Tacito refuses res novas and molitores rerum novarum, revolutions and makers of revolutions. Is necessary to remember here that the impartiality of greek and latin historiographer is applied when the enemy is stranger (as Mitridate and Calgaco), but is forgotten with the inner enemy (the emperors hostiles to senatorial class whence Tacito comes).

 In addition there is a prejudice against every movement coming from low, and even from high, if is in favour of poors : for example Tiberio and Caio Gracco who, aristocratic and yet tribunes of people, try to make an agricultural reform and were killed by senators large landowner (133-121 b. C.).

In Dialogus de oratoribus (Dialogue about eloquence, about 100 a. C.) Tacito reminds that the great eloquence was flourishing, prospering, with freedom and even licence: magna illa et notabilis eloquentia alumna licentiae, quam stulti libertatem vocabant (40) the great and famous eloquence, pupil of licence that stupid persons called freedom. Many, a lot of orators there were in Athen where omnia populus, omnia imperiti, omnia, ut sic dixerim, omnes poterant”, all the power was of the people, of ignorants, everything was of everybody. Also in Rome eloquence bloomed in disorder “sicut indomitus ager habet quasdam herbas laetiores”, such as a field uncultivated has some grasses more blooming.

“Sed nec tanti rei publicae Gracchorum eloquentia fuit ut pateretur et leges” (40), but the eloquence of Gracchi was not so precious for the State that could be tolerated their laws.

These brothers are remembered with a mixture of praise and blame.

They were killed by the violent reaction of the senators larg landowner. Their mother Cornelia, daughter of Scipio Africanus: “numquam, inquit non felicem me dicam, quae Gracchos peperi” (Seneca, Ad Marciam de consolatione, 16, 3), never she said I shall call not happy myself, a woman who gave birth to Gracchi.

CONTINUA

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[1] G. Orwell, 1984, p. 42.

[2] Del 411 a. C.

[3]Acted a little time after Ione.  The theme is the war of Seven against Tebe.