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lunedì 26 giugno 2017

Latin culture class, sixth lesson. Sesta lezione di cultura latina

Thomas Cole, The Course of Empire: Destruction

15-28

The danger from northern barbarians
The Cimbri already in 113 and 105 had defeated Romans. Nevertheless Romans have boasted several victories against them: “tam diu Germania vincitur” (Germania, 37), its is from long time that Germania is won, writes with irony Tacito in 98 a. C.. No people has been so hard and dangerous for us, he continues :"quippe regno Arsacis acrior est Germanorum libertas , in fact the freedom of Germans is more strong than the kingdom, of Arsace (who founded the eastern reign of Parti in 256 b. C.)
Tacito remembers that the danger of Germani impends over Italy since more than 200 years: in 113 b. C. Cimbri defeated Romans and their consul Papirio Carbone at Norēia (in Carinzia); after, Arminio leader of Cherusci, defeated Varo in 9 d. C. in the forest of Teutoburgo; and when Romans won Germans with Marius against Cimbri in Italia (101), Caesar against Ariovisto in Gallia (58 b. C.), and Germanico, who defeated Arminio in Weser in 16 a. C, these were not easy nor overwhelming victories and there was loss of roman blood (nec impune).
 Tacito makes sarcastic remarks about the pompous triumphes celebrated by Domiziano:" Nam proximis temporibus triumphati magis quam victi sunt " (Germania, 37), in fact in these recent years we celebrated triumphes more than gain victories over this enemy.
In the years 83-85 Domiziano led campaigns agains Chatti, on the right bank of river Rhine. This campagnais had strengthened the border of Rhine with agri decumates subjected to tenth tax. The triumph celebrated in 83 a. C. is mentioned also by Svetonio ( Vita di Domiziano, 6).

The danger of northern people is already pointed out, indicated, by Sallustio who, however, mistake Celti for Germani, may be with the intention to enlarge the meaning of the victories of Caesar in Gallia that was conquered in the years 58-50.
 In the last chapter (114) of Bellum Iugurthinum (composed about 40 b. C.) he writes:"per idem tempus[1] advorsum Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio male pugnatum: quo metu Italia omnis contremuit. Illimque usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere: alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse; cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certari ", in the same time our consuls Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio fought badly against Gallics: because of this defeat all Italy trembled with fear. From that time till now the Romans thought that other people were prone to their value: with Gallics they had to fight for salvation, not for glory.
Germania by Tacito in chapter 37 makes topical, brings up to date this last chapter (114) of Bellum Iugurthinum
This is the phase of “remissive, renunciatory imperialism”
 Germania is a book of 98 a. C.
 In Annales, the last work of Tacito written when Traiano had conquered Dacia (after 107) , we find the unrealistic, fanciful imperialism. When emperor Traiano won the wars against Decebalo and the Dacians (101-102 and 105-107) Tacito claims the full conquest of Germania and reproaches to Tiberio with the recall of Germanico.
 He could to subdue Germans," sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat rediret ad decretum triumphum: satis iam eventuum, satis casuum, but Tiberio with frequent letters urged the nephew to come back to receive the decreed triumph: there had been successes and falls enough
 Therefore: Posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentis, quoniam Romanae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui " (Annales , II, 26), Cherusci and other rebels could be left to their inner conflicts, since the defeat of Varo had been avenged.

We find a rational theory of imperialism in some words of consul Petilio Ceriale who speaks in 70 a. C. to the Trevĭri and Lingŏni people gallic and germanic in revolt. In his speech we find the reasons and justifications of roman imperialism. The empire wants to stop the advance of new Ariovisto or a second Arminio. The Romans have imposed iure victoriae, with the right of victory, only what is necessary to keep the peace. The victory and the peace demand some conditions:
 “Nam neque quies gentium sine armis, neque arma sine stipendiis, neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt”(Hist. IV, 74), in fact is impossible to have peace without arms, neither armament without pays, salaries, neither salaries without taxes.
 If Romans will be expelled, there will be a global war and chaos, quod di prohibeant, God forbid! If we want to repel Germani or Britanni we cannot lighten taxes
Octingentorum annorum fortunā disciplināque compages haec coaluit: quae convelli sine exitio convellentium non potest”, with the Fortune and the discipline during eight hundred years became consolidated, strengthened, this structure that now cannot be destroyed without the collapse of the destroyers themselves.
These are the words of every imperialism.
One can add to the means and the reasons of the success of Romans, what said Muzio Scevola to the Etrurian king Porsenna who whanted to restore the king Tarquinio banished from Roma in 509 b. C.: “et facere et pati fortia romanum est” (Tito Livio, Ab urbe condita, II, 9), to do and to suffer strong deeds is roman thing. He had burnt his hand because had failed in his object of killing of the king.

Tacito undertands that the german people more young and less corrupt than roman is a danger for the empire and feels that the fates are pressing :"maneat, quaeso, duretque gentibus, si non amor nostri, at certe odium sui, quando , urgentibus imperii fatis , nihil iam praestare fortuna maior potest quam hostium discordiam" (Germania, 33), I hope that remains ad continues a long time in these people, if not love of us, at least the hate among them, since, while the fates of empire are pressing, the fortune nothing more can give us than conflicts among themselves.
And in Agricola, about Celts, Tacito writes “nec aliud adversus validissimas gentes pro nobis utilius, quam quod in comune non consulunt” (12) nothing against very strong people is more useful for us than that they do not decide together. It means: divide et impera, divide and command, the motto of every imperialism
Another hope comes to Romans from weakening of barbarians when these rude men come in contact with roman civilisation: the Britanni fell into the blandishments proposed by Romans: frequens toga to wear often the toga , uniform of roman citizenship, porticus, porches, balinea, baths, conviviorum elegantia, smartness of banquets, were delenimenta vitiorum, attraction to vices: “ idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset (Agr. XXI), all that was called civilisation by those inexpert, while was part of their slavery.

Il destino. The Fate
In Historiae (II, 82) Tacito writes: nihil arduum fatis, nothing is difficult for the fates. Gli occulta fati (II, 10) the hidden fate sometime looks but quae fato manent quamvis significata non vitantur (Hist. I, 18), what is due to fate even if it is shown, is not possible to avoid. The death of emperor Galba was in some way announcede by tonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae, thunders and lightning and other threats from the sky, all phenomena because of once upon a time the electoral meetings were suspended. But it did not frighten Galba who went, in a hurry, hastily, in castra to the barracks were was killed. Or because he felt contempt for such phenomena as casual (non terruit Galbam quo minus in castra pergeret, contemptorem talium ut fortuitorum), or since is not possible avoid the fate even if it looks

Epicurean philosophy believe in chance, Stoic philosophy in destiny and necessity. According to Epicuro and Lucrezio the atoms constitute life and death and they go at random. All the events proceed at random
Seneca in De beneficiis writes Juppiter may be called also fatum "cum fatum nihil aliud sit quam series implexa causarum" (IV, 7), because fatum, fate, destiny, is nothing else but sequence linked, tied, of causes.
Tacito waves between these positions. In Annales III, 18, with regard to Claudio mocked and nevertheless become emperor (41 a. C.), the historiographer writes that the more he remembers the ancient and new facts, deeds, the more he sees the mockery in all mortal matters “mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo, tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium in cunctis negotiis observantur
Is the trick that rules the life. The man regally ridiculous became the emperor of the world.
Vespasiano is seen as the man supported by the gods. Alexandriae (69 a. C.) multa miracula evenere, quis caelestis favor et quaedam in Vespasianum inclinatio numinum ostenderetur (Hist, IV, 81), in Alexandria happened many miracles trhrough which appeared, that showed the favour of the sky and a certain predilection, fondness of gods for Vespasiano. He went as far as to health a blind. Under Claudio (in 43 a. C.) Vespasiano had served in army in Britannia where domitae gentes, capti reges et monstratus fatis (Agricola, XIII), people were tamed, kings taken prisoners and (Vespasiano) was revealed by fates.
Under Nero he fell asleep while the emperor was performing and Vespasiano was hardly saved maiore fato (Ann. XVI, 5) by a higher fate. Tacito does not give a sure reply if prevails the Necessity (anavgkh) or the free will.

The fashions.
The historiographer points out that luxus mensae" (Annales , III, 55), the pomp, magnificence, of banquets began after the battle of Azio (31 b. C.) and finished with Nerone (68 a. C.). Vespasiano was one of homines novi, self made men: he came from Sabina and brought to Rome the frugality of that land. So the fashion of luxury and waste ended. But, may be, there is a cycle in all things:"Nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur, unless in all things it is a kind of cycle, so that as the seasons, in the same way turn the altern events, vicissitude of customs, uses.

Il latifondo The problem of latifundium
Tacito is worried about the problem of latifundium (large estate)
In a famous passage of Annales (XII, 43), he writes "at hercule olim Italia legionibus longiquas in provincias commeatus portabat, nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Aegyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani permissa est ", and yet for Hercules, once upon a time, Italy sent provisions to the legions in far provĭnces, neither today the earth suffers from infertility, but we prefer to overwork Africa and Egypt and now the life of Roman people is committed to the ships an the risks of the sea. Tacito applies these words to the last part of empire of Claudio (41-54) but already Augusto feared that italian country could remain uncultivated owing to the idleness of plebs and so the emperor decided to suppress the distributions of corn: "quod earum fiduciā cultură agrorum cessaret " [2], because trusting in those was ending the cultivation of fields.
Plinio the Old (23-79 a. C.) in his monumental, encyclpopedical work of 37 books, Naturalis Historia, writes: latifundia perdidere Italiam, large handed estate have ruined, spoilt Italy.


CONTINUA



[1] October 105 a. C.
[2] Svetonio, Vita di Augusto, 42.

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